U.S. and Iraqi soldiers meet with Dhíyae, Iraq, residents to gather information and build rapport, May 4, 2008.
The U.S. soldiers are assigned to the 10th Mountain Division, 222nd Battalion, Company C.
U.S. and Iraqi soldiers meet with Dhíyae, Iraq, residents to gather information and build rapport, May 4, 2008.
The U.S. soldiers are assigned to the 10th Mountain Division, 222nd Battalion, Company C.
Roots of surveillance standoff go back decades
by Shane Harris
H/T: RINF
In the old days, everyone was linked to a lug nut, and Jim Kallstrom liked it that way.
It was 1985, a simpler time for a cop like Kallstrom, who was in charge of setting telephone wiretaps on suspected drug dealers and mobsters for the FBI’s New York City field office. In New York, Kallstrom’s cases were often won on the basis of incriminating evidence surreptitiously snatched from the mouths of criminal defendants through their phone lines. With a mere 203,000 Americans using mobile phones, people were still tied to the ground, and that gave Kallstrom’s world a certain comforting order.
On any given day, he could stand on a street corner in Manhattan, gaze up at an apartment building with its neat rows and columns of units stacked atop each other, and know that inside each one there was a telephone, tethered by thin copper wire to a single point, sometimes several miles away. In his mind’s eye, Kallstrom could have imagined shrinking himself to the size of an electron and traveling over the phone line, down to the bottom of the building, then shooting beneath the streets, until he ended up in the basement of the telephone company’s switching station. There, the wire emerged, pegged to a rack by a single copper lug nut. Acres of racks lined the walls, each holding rows and columns of lug nuts and their wires, neatly stacked atop each other — the city of New York in analog miniature.
With a warrant in hand, Kallstrom could tell the technicians at the phone office, with whom he had become friendly over the years, “Go up on RR326.” The tech would walk to the rack, find the wire, and clamp on a listening device. Instantly, Kallstrom became an invisible interloper.
FBI agents and federal prosecutors depended on these legal wiretaps to penetrate drug cartels, incriminate money launderers, and spy on mob families. And they needed to be absolutely certain that the line they were on belonged to the suspected dealer, or launderer, or capo named in the court-approved warrant. Not the guy in the apartment next door. Not someone down the block. This guy. This phone. RR326. Lest the agents violate a judge’s order, and perhaps land themselves in jail, this had to be the very same line that snaked back through the subterranean maze of Manhattan, through all those blocks of concrete caverns, back to that certain apartment building, up through the walls and out of the jack and into the phone that was in the hand and next to the mouth of Kallstrom’s target. It was, by design and necessity, a neat, specific system.
And then it all went sideways.
Kallstrom’s friends in the phone company put him on notice in 1985: Over the next few years, those racks and stacks of wires and lug nuts would be swept into the technological dustbin. The telephone network was going digital. Technicians would no longer stand at a rack; they would sit at a keyboard. In some parts of the country that had already made the change, phone calls were traveling as a stream of 1′s and 0′s. Thousands of lines commingled in a single computer. When New York went digital, the phone techs told Kallstrom, they would no longer be able to tap him directly into RR326. In fact, they couldn’t even tell him for sure where RR326 resided in this new engineering matrix.
At the same time that the phone companies were preparing for the transition to digital, the use of cellphones — which were inherently harder to tap because they used phone lines differently than analog devices — mushroomed. From 1985 to ’86, the number of registered mobile-phone subscribers in the United States doubled to 500,000. Within two years after that, the number climbed to 1.6 million. By the end of the decade, the cellphone universe had skyrocketed past 4 million.
Organized crime was an early adopter of the mobile phone. In a communications technique presaging that of Islamic terrorists today, members of the Colombian Cali drug cartel operating in New York would briefly use a phone, toss it, and get a new one. To tap a mobile device, technicians had to install listening equipment on the new version of a lug nut — an “electronic port.” But in most switching stations in New York, there were only half a dozen or so ports available at any one time. Federal prosecutors and agents had to stand in line at phone company offices and fight with each other over whose investigation should take priority. Some prosecutors threatened to haul company employees into court on contempt charges so they could explain to a judge why the phone company was unwilling to execute a wiretap order.
Electronic surveillance, once such a dependable, relatively easy craft, was becoming inordinately difficult, Kallstrom thought. The phone companies, whose annual revenues from mobile subscriptions were cresting over $2 billion in the late 1980s, showed little willingness to make the FBI’s life easier. As the 1990s approached, with the promise of more digitization and more mobility, Kallstrom called his bosses in Washington: “If we don’t do something, we’ll be out of the wiretapping business.”
[. . .]
Read more here.
The USS Essex, anchored in the Gulf of Thailand, May 8, 2008, stands ready to assist the the people of Burma, where a cyclone and tidal wave struck the nation, killing thousands of people and leaving hundreds of thousands homeless.
The Navy is dispatching helicopters from the ship to a staging area in Thailand, where they will be able to reach Burma with relief supplies within hours.
Essex is equipped with 23 helicopters and five amphibious landing craft, and carries 1,800 Marines.
U.S. Navy photograph by Seaman Kari R. Bergman
H/T: StrategyPage
Maj. Shaikh-Khassan Zhazykbayev, the 9th Kazakhstani rotation commander, passes the Kazakhstan national colors to Maj. Madiar Uvaliov, the commander of the 10th Kazakhstani rotation April 1 during the transfer of authority ceremony.
The Kazakhstani soldiers provide unexploded ordnance disposal support to Coalition forces at Forward Operating Base Delta.
Photo by Sgt. 1st Class Stacy Niles.
Read the story here.
For Your Eyes Only
Washington Post
– Amy Orndorff
Love the International Spy Museum but cringe at the idea of shelling out $18 to indulge your inner 007? Convert those bills into gas, buy a couple of gallons and head north to the National Cryptologic Museum in Fort Meade.
Artifacts at the museum include a German Enigma cipher machine, left, used during World War II for encoding messages. (Visitors can even try it out.)
James Bond doesn’t have anything on National Security Agency code breakers. He might have won over the ladies, but these sleuths started wars, prevented attacks and busted criminals.
“Intelligence is not just getting good information. It’s knowing when to use it,” tour guide and retired NSA employee Howell McConnell tells a group on a recent Saturday in front of an exhibit about the World War I Zimmermann telegram.
The coded German telegram was intercepted and deciphered by the British as it traveled from the foreign minister in Berlin, Arthur Zimmermann, to the German ambassador in Mexico. It encouraged Mexico to start a war with the United States so the Americans would be too busy to join the war in Europe. Mexico would have gained land, and the Germans would have had free rein to sink ships in the Atlantic. The telegram was the push Congress needed to authorize America’s entry into the war.
The gritty authenticity of the National Cryptologic Museum beats just about anything the Spy Museum has to offer, from the docents like McConnell to the exhibits assembled by real-life code-breakers to the barbed-wire fence and guard huts that separate the museum from the NSA buildings nearby.
The museum gives an unclassified glimpse of the history of American espionage, but there’s little to be spooked about. The atmosphere is welcoming, and there is plenty for little hands to play with and older eyes to take in.
Read the rest here.
DHS Realigns TWIC Compliance Date
May 2, 2008
WASHINGTON – The U.S Department of Homeland Security (DHS) today announced that the final compliance date for the Transportation Worker Identification Credential (TWIC) program will be April 15, 2009, which reflects a realignment of the Sept. 25, 2008 compliance date set in the final rule.
The seven month extension is a direct result of collaboration with port officials and industry, and realigns the enrollment period with the original intent of the TWIC final rule.
TWIC was established in the Maritime Transportation Security Act and the SAFE Port Act to serve as an identification program for all Coast Guard credentialed mariners and personnel requiring unescorted access to secure areas within a port.
The program is on track to complete enrollment for a substantial number of jurisdictions by the end of 2008, and several ports will be required to comply with TWIC regulations this year.
Capt. Christopher Flores, ePRT fish farm advisor, holds a 45-day old carp from a fish farm in al-Buaytha April 26.
An ePRT micro grant enabled the farmer to buy fish from a Baghdad hatchery to improve his farming capacity.
Read the story here.
The battle on the homefront has not yet begun in earnest.
By Victor Davis Hanson
The gloomy election-year refrain is that America is mired in Iraq, took its eye off Afghanistan, empowered Iran, and is losing the war on terror. But how accurate is that pessimistic diagnosis?
First, the good news. For all the talk of a recent Tet-like offensive in Basra, the Mahdi Army of radical Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr suffered an ignominious setback when his gunmen were routed from their enclaves.
This rout helped the constitutional — and Shiite-dominated — government of Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki to renew its authority, and has encouraged Sunnis to re-enter government. Two great threats to Iraqi autonomy — Iranian-backed Shiite militiamen and Sunni-supported al-Qaeda terrorists — have both now been repulsed by an elected government and its supporters.
Our armed forces are stretched, but Gen. David Petraeus, the top U.S. commander in Iraq, and his colonels are quietly transforming a top-heavy conventional colossus into more mobile counterinsurgency forces.
Petraeus’ recent nomination to Centcom commander suggests that, like the growing influence of Gens. Ulysses S. Grant and William Tecumseh Sherman in 1863, or of George Marshall when he reconfigured the Army in 1940, we at last are beginning to get the right officers in the right places at the right time.
The despairing enemy seems to sense this as well. The more al-Qaeda mouthpiece Ayman al-Zawahiri threatens the West, the more he sounds like Hitler’s shrill propagandist Joseph Goebbels in his bunker as the Third Reich was crumbling.
In his latest desperate rant, a suddenly “green” Zawahiri was reduced to appealing to environmentally conscious Muslims to fault the United States for our supposed culpability for global warming! No wonder polls across the Middle East show a sharp decline in support for his boss, Osama bin Laden.
We haven’t been attacked in over six years since 9/11, while the FBI has arrested dozens of jihadist plotters. Our elected officials squabble over the Patriot Act, Guantanamo and the loss of constitutional liberties. Yet, the odd thing is not the nature of such a necessary debate, but the inability of critics to muster enough support to repeal post-9/11 legislation and policies — a tacit admission that these measures have worked and saved thousands of American lives.
But is the war then nearly won? Hardly.
And that brings us to the bad news. We still censor ourselves in fears of terrorist threats, mortgaging the Enlightenment tradition of free and unfettered speech. In Europe, cartoonists, novelists, opera producers, filmmakers, and even the pope are choosing their words very carefully about Islam — in fear they will become the targets of riots and death threats.
Here at home, our State Department is advising its officials to avoid perfectly descriptive terms for our enemies like “jihadist” and “Islamo-fascist” in favor of vague terms like “violent extremist” or “terrorist” — as if we could just as easily be fighting Basque separatists.
Read more here.